Network Paper 84: SMALL-SCALE SEED PROVISION IN GHANA: SOCIAL RELATIONS, CONTRACTS AND INSTITUTIONS FOR MICRO-ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT
by Fergus Lyon and Set Afikorah-Danquah

A large number of small-scale enterprises growing, dealing and marketing seed emerged during the economic reforms of the 1980s in Ghana. The enterprises are dynamic and able to produce and market seed, despite limits on the availability of capital. This paper examines the nature of small-scale maize and cowpea seed enterprises in the two regions of Brong Ahafo and Ashanti and describes how actors in the system learn about seed quality and the trustworthiness of people they are dealing with. It explores how farmers get access to seed and how they obtain information on what they are buying and whom they are dealing with.

The growers interviewed in the study accounted for 25 per cent of formal seed production in Ghana in 1997. Finance for seed production comes from the grower. s personal income, loans from friends or family and, in a few cases, from banks. Credit given by seed dealers is also important. There are no legal contracts, so credit arrangements are based on trust, social pressure and coercion.

Seed dealers range in size, managing between one and four stores. Some also play a wholesale role, working through agents who take seed on credit. Seed dealers buy from a number of growers and obtain information on seed supply from sources including Ministry of Food and Agriculture seed inspectors acting unofficially. Growers and dealers must find ways to acquire the latest price information as prices can change at short notice when demand is high. Half of the dealers buy some of their seed on credit. Growers give credit to dealers especially if there is a reciprocal agreement involving the dealers financing the grower, but needs to be built up before credit is offered. Dealers known to growers sometimes act as guarantors for other dealers.

The case of seed enterprises in Ghana throws light on how entrepreneurs obtain information and how they build up trust based on working relations, existing links and intermediaries. Public policy needs to consider the social and economic factors underpinning the seed industry. Enterprises can reduce the transaction costs of obtaining information by building links with other enterprises. The strategies and the social capital they draw on is shaped by pre-existing knowledge, networks and social contacts. Transaction costs can be reduced by making information available to seed enterprises. Government workers, especially seed inspectors play an important, though unofficial, role in brokering information.

Network Paper 85: THE SEED POTATO SYSTEM IN BOLIVIA: ORGANISATIONAL GROWTH AND MISSING LINKS
by Jeffery W. Bentley and Daniel Vasques

Potatoes are a traditional, low-value staple food, produced by over 200,000 smallholders in Bolivia. Developing a formal seed system is a challenge; the seed is vegetative . not true seed . bulky, difficult to multiply and expensive to haul over dirt roads in the sparsely populated, dry Andes. In spite of these problems, Bolivia is one of the few countries with any kind of formal system for seed potato. This paper analyses the performance of individual components of the formal seed system and examines the interactions between the components. It highlights the importance of communication between projects and organisations and underlines the crucial role of local marketing and distribution in seed system development.

Donors have played a key role in the development of the seed potato system. A source seed project was initiated by the Swiss in 1984; a Dutch seed multiplication and extension project which organised small-scale seed producers into small seed firms began in 1990; a potato research project also began in 1990 with Swiss and World Bank funding; and seed quality control capacity was strengthened with US support, beginning in 1992. Bolivia. s seed system is better integrated than one might expect, given the diversity of donors and projects, and there are several examples of excellent coordination. But there are also several serious gaps in communication within the seed system. Links with research and marketing are particularly problematic and these raise questions about the future performance and focus of the system.

Most institutions that work with small-scale Bolivian seed producers have marginalised community organisations, choosing instead to form alternative groups which are said to be easier to work with. All of these institutions are financially dependent on foreign donors. The demand for certified seed potatoes is small and easily saturated. Probably over half of this demand is stimulated by NGOs donating seed, rather than by the market. Other problems faced by seed firms include quality control (management of light, storage, sprout management and pest control) and nematode infestation. seed producers are cutting forests to escape nematodes. Another shortcoming of the current seed system is its lack of attention to indigenous marketing channels. The vast majority of Bolivia. s (informal) seed potato is marketed by small-scale merchants, but seed projects have chosen to ignore this resource.

In spite of the above problems, Bolivia does have a functioning system for providing seed potatoes to farmers. Improved and European varieties are now widespread in Bolivia and smallholder farmers have accepted new varieties. Protected seedbeds, designed by researchers in farmers. fields, are proving to be effective for raising small amounts of high quality seed potatoes. A semi-formal seed system is developing spontaneously among farmers who can no longer grow certified seed.

Network Paper 86: SCALING UP PARTICIPATORY WATERSHED DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
by Cathryn Turton, with Michael Warner and Ben Groom

In recent years watershed management has become the focal point of agricultural and rural development in rainfed areas of India. Central and State governments, donors and NGOs have all been involved in implementing watershed programmes with varying degrees of success. The majority of the more successful projects share one or more of the following characteristics: (i) they often occur under specific preconditions which are not easily replicable; (ii) approaches to development are resource intensive and cannot easily be . scaled up. to new areas; (iii) there is uncertainty over the long term institutional and ecological sustainability of rehabilitated watersheds.

This paper discusses the physical, social and institutional context for watershed development. It also considers the relationship between microwatersheds and the wider institutional and policy environment. It highlights the need to prioritise the watersheds to be developed on the basis of socio-economic and biophysical criteria. It warns that in some cases watershed development may not be the most appropriate programme.

If approaches to microwatershed development are to be rapidly replicable then the preconditions for scaling up have to be identified and incorporated into the project design. Ways of working need to be defined which allow the necessary degree of participation for interventions to be planned and function adequately, but at the same time are rapidly replicable. This will entail the creation of new partnerships between central and state government, district administration, panchayati raj institutions, NGOs, line agencies and communities and implies fundamental changes in their respective roles and responsibilities.

Many donors and NGOs have been criticised for giving insufficient attention to replicability in their programmes; expansion is dependent on replication of a blueprint model in another area. Government programmes provide funds far in excess of donors or NGOs and represent a unique attempt to institutionalise participatory approaches to rural development. There is a unique opportunity for all agencies to work together to support improvements in the effectiveness and efficiency of such programmes.

Careful monitoring in the coming years will be critical to enable decisions to be made over the optimum allocation of resources in terms of maintaining a balance between expanding coverage, whilst at the same time ensuring that the development process remains equitable and sustainable.

Network Paper 87: THE USE OF SUBSIDIES FOR SOIL AND WATER CONSERVATION: A CASE STUDY FROM WESTERN INDIA
by Paul Smith

This paper discusses the use of subsidies for soil and water conservation (SWC) in the KRIBHCO Indo-British Rainfed Farming Project being implemented in degraded areas of western India. The rationale for, and effects of, adopting subsidies are summarised. Although both project staff and farmers agree on the importance of SWC measures, few farmers can afford the investment of time and money. This is largely because production in the area is so low that most farmers are obliged to seek off-farm work during the dry season. As this is when most SWC work is undertaken, there is a need to offset the opportunity cost to farmers of forgoing employment opportunities in order to implement SWC activities. Benefits arising from the use of subsidies include priming of savings and credit groups and a temporary reduction in annual migration levels. Disadvantages include possible lack of equity and low levels of sustainability. The paper concludes by discussing alternative funding arrangements including loans, differential subsidies and other incentives. It suggests that for private farmland, farm households are subsidised with fixed land improvement grants (rather than paying those who participate in the SWC work). Farmers and their hamlet members should discuss how the money would best be used. A fixed subsidy per unit area is proposed for communal land improvement and when watershed management is conducted on a village basis. A village work plan, based on the funds available, would be formulated by village groups in consultation with project staff.

Network Paper 88: GENDER ISSUES IN WATERSHED DEVELOPMENT

Central and State governments, donors and NGOs have all been involved in implementing watershed programmes in India. Although the details vary with different projects, the basic institutional structures are similar. Money flows to a project implementing agency (either a government or non-government organisation) which works closely with a village-level body. a watershed committee. to design and implement project activities. Evidence suggests that certain social groups have consistently been marginalised by watershed development projects. These include the landless, families in the upper levels of catchments, marginalised tribal groups and women. The two papers in this volume assess the level of involvement of women in watershed projects and describe the impact of watershed development on their roles and responsibilities. Both papers emphasise that unless women play a central role in the decision-making process, the long-term sustainability of development efforts is threatened. Paper 88areviews a number of government and non-government projects in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. It argues strongly that unless we progress from a view where women are treated as a . disadvantaged group. to a point where they are treated as integral members of the community, development efforts will continue to sideline women. s concerns. It emphasises the need to ensure that watershed development activities are compatible with women. s livelihood strategies. Paper 88b looks in detail at a German-funded project in Maharashtra. It advocates the need for a sectoral approach to meeting women. s needs. Both papers provide practical suggestions on how to ensure that watershed development programmes respond to the concerns of women.

88a: GENDER ISSUES IN WATERSHED DEVELOPMENT AND MANAGEMENT IN INDIA
by Vasudha Lokur Pangare

Increasing women. s participation in watershed projects is critical to the long term sustainability of development efforts. There is a need to sensitise policy makers and staff of project implementing agencies to the core issues affecting women. s participation in decision-making processes and the distribution of benefits between men and women.

This paper is based on primary data from a field survey of Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. It concludes that activities undertaken for women in watershed development projects do not empower them to be equal partners with men. There is a need to progress from an attitude where women are treated as a 'disadvantaged group', to a point where they are treated as integral members of the community. Unless women are involved in the decision-making process, watershed development projects will remain welfare oriented as far as women are concerned.

A central reason that women remain 'disadvantaged' is because their contribution to the rural economy is not recognised. Since women rarely own or control productive assets, they are not looked upon as decision-makers in the management of natural resources. Consequently, they do not receive their rightful compensation in terms of wages, or in terms of ownership of productive assets and benefits accrued from them.

The paper provides suggestions on how to strengthen women. s involvement in watershed activities. An assessment of the interface between livelihoods and resource base can help to identify the key issues related to the economic survival of women resource users and ensure their interests do not become sidelined. Stronger guidance on the number of women to be appointed to the watershed committees is needed as current recommendations (of one or two women) have resulted in tokenism. Project implementing agencies must take responsibility for facilitating women's participation by setting up support systems and providing training to both local people and their staff. Training in gender issues and also technical training (especially for women) will strengthen women. s roles in the decision-making hierarchy.

88b: WATERSHED DEVELOPMENT - CREATING SPACE FOR WOMEN
by Marcella d'Souza

A previous article, . Gender and Watershed Development. , published in the July 1997 edition of the AgREN newsletter, described the impact of watershed development on womens. lives and on gender relationships. It indicated that while watershed development does initially lead to an increase in women. s workloads, it can also offer them unique opportunities to improve their economic situation as well as enhance their status in society. Specifically, watershed development has a notable impact on employment and income opportunities, food security, fodder, fuel and water availability and access to credit. Socially, impacts relate to migration rates and the status and self-confidence of women. The degree to which impacts are positive varies in time (with benefits becoming evident three to four years after initiation of programmes) and the extent to which development plans and allows for women. s empowerment.

This paper focuses on some options for mitigating the negative impacts of watershed development and to enable women to become more self-reliant and more self confident. It addresses two key issues:

• How to capitalise on the opportunities offered and mitigate some of the key problems arising from watershed development activities; and
• The approach, the organisational framework and mechanisms adopted by the Indo-German Watershed Project to create space for women in watershed development.