Network Papers No. 60  61  62  63  64

Network Paper 60: DESIGNING SEED SYSTEMS WITH SMALL FARMERS: PRINCIPLES DERIVED FROM BEAN RESEARCH IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION OF AFRICA
By Louise Sperling, Urs Scheidegger, and Robin Buruchara

This paper synthesises five years of field research on the bean seed sector within the Great Lakes region of Africa (Rwanda, Burundi and Eastern Zaire). The work, conducted jointly by farmers, three national programmes, the International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT), NGOs, shopkeepers, prisons, nutritional centres, and others suggests more effective ways for tailoring seed systems towards specific agro-ecological and socio-economic environments. While some of the recommendations are specific to the bean crop and the region, most can be applied more broadly.

The paper is divided into five main parts: observations on the formal seed system, diagnosis of the informal channels, and reflections in three areas - seed distribution, genetic management, and seed production - where Great Lakes research has built on existing farmer knowledge and farming systems to foster an improved bean seed sector. A final section suggests a framework for choosing among the multiple strategies to strengthen seed systems for small farmers.

Analyses show that the formal seed service, a government parastatal, is not necessarily meeting small farmer needs. There is a bias towards larger grain bean seed, suitable for more fertile soils (and hence better off farmers) and key, farmer-desired varieties, are dropped by the wayside. Nor are the channels through which the service diffuses operating as expected: development projects, used as intermediate producers, often show negative rates of multiplication, and farmer-to-farmer diffusion is unexpectedly slow, especially in stress environments. Despite hidden subsidies, the formal system reaches only one in 600 farmers.

Farmers' own systems consist of at least 11 potential bean seed channels. About three-fifths of Great Lakes farmers obtain at least some of their seed from their own production, with various markets being the other, very significant source. The Burundian data give an idea of the surprising importance of the market among these subsistence farmers: on average each farmer purchases 5.4 kg of bean seed in the first planting season each year and 15 kg in the second. The reliance of the poor on market seed is qualitatively and quantitatively different from the better- off: the richer use markets to find select genetic material, whereas the poor seek seed to top off or fill in for woefully inadequate stocks. Many of the Great Lake poor buy all of their seed from the market, that is, none is saved from their own production or obtained through exchange. Such insights turn upside down the stereotype about market-orientation: the poorer the farmer, the larger is the proportion of his/her seed bought.

The diagnoses of informal channels helped identify principles for distributing new varieties. Building on local channels rather than creating new ones, can help keep down costs and assure timely delivery of seed. As different clients use different channels (e.g. some prefer the open markets for the variability on offer while others rely on neighbourhood stores for their convenience and credit possibilities), a diversity of channels should be supported. Further, having many points of distribution, on a recurrent basis, can help farmers, particularly those who regularly eat their full harvest, restock novel varieties.

Subsequent field trials or 'distribution experiments' in five countries diffused 'test packets' of varieties through large open markets and neighbourhood stores. Small quantities allow farmers to explore a new product with limited risk and expense, but also help seed services, with limited volume capacity, stretch access to their products. The experiments show that farmers are willing to pay for new varieties at two times the going market price for local seed, and merchants, particularly country shopkeepers, find profit in handling the sales. Diffusion of new varieties has also been tested through non-seed outlets: charitable organisations, agricultural training schools and nutritional centres. The last locale reached the very malnourished, who showed unusual enthusiasm for the new varieties. In the longer-term, such sales can be easily coordinated by development projects and NGOs.

The beauty of the small seed packet technique is at once its simplicity and impressive potential for impact. In Rwanda, calculations show that with a mere 5 tons of seed, 100,000 farmers can be reached, or just under 10% of the population.

Studies of farmers' variety management also shaped researchers' understanding of the role of new varieties in an overall programme to improve the seed sector for small farmers. Great Lakes farmers use varietal mixtures (of up to 30 components) and target them to different soils, seasons, and crop associations; in Rwanda, over 550 bean varieties are found countrywide. In terms of key principles, diversity had to be coupled with production gains through: regionalising varieties on offer; assuring a spectrum of choice at one point in time; allowing both local and new cultivars to be screened; and encouraging a dynamic introduction process.

Field trials or 'participatory varietal experiments' focused on the possible benefits of giving farmers more influence in the selection process itself. For a five-year period, farmer experts were brought on to station to screen various breeder controlled trials. On-farm results demonstrated farmers' considerable ability to target cultivars from station fields to their own home plots; they attained production increases of up to 38%. The diversity of cultivars selected by farmers was also considerably greater than that normally on offer: the number adopted over the first two-year experimental period, 21, matched the total number of varieties released by the national programme in the previous 25 years. While the Great Lakes may be an extreme case in terms of existing bean diversity and farmer expertise, the general principles for coupling diversity with production gains apply more widely and are particularly relevant for broadening diversity in areas where it is now dangerously restricted.

In terms of seed production, Great Lakes' research focused principally on seed quality as production alternatives hinge on whether seed produced under normal farmer management is 'inferior'. Field trials and laboratory analyses compared the phytopathological quality, germination and vigour of: (a) seed produced under formal versus informal settings; and (b) seed produced by known farmer seed experts versus that of the general rural population. Results showed no significant differences between normal farmer-produced seed and other seed, and indeed, the quality of all was a good deal better than commonly alleged. Action-oriented experiments which tried to further upgrade the quality of farmer-produced seed by 'accessible' measures (such as stricter elimination of blemished seed), proved too labour intensive to be of interest to farmers.

The Great Lakes data suggests that the advantages of seed certification for small farmers should be subject to greater scrutiny (does it give yield gains, over what period, and at what cost). The possibilities for producing seed of various quality levels, so as to deliver a good (not great) product, at affordable prices should also be explored. As a general rule, seed produced under any scheme of external intervention (whether formal or informal) should never have higher levels of disease infection than the seed farmers presently use. The best way to ensure this is to have it produced by farmers themselves, in a way as close as possible to their normal methods and to environments routinely used.

The findings, overall, show the need for quality field data on small farmer seed systems as the work challenges a number of the long-held myths. We show that:

  • Even for a subsistence crop, many farmers do not rely on farmer-saved seed.
  • The quality of farmer seed compares relatively well with that produced under more formal regimes.
  • Some of the poorest farmers in the world are willing to try and pay for new varieties.
  • Farmers can select varieties from station research trials to fit production micro-niches.
All subsequent practical recommendations are based on extensive field trials. Here we signal one: providing small quantities of seed of many varieties through markets is a good way of targeting poorer farmers.


Network Paper 61: REFORMING AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION IN BANGLADESH: BLENDING GREATER PARTICIPATION AND SUSTAINABILITY WITH INSTITUTIONAL STRENGTHENING
By Mrinal K Chowdhury and Elon H Gilbert

The limited effectiveness of the Training and Visit (T&V) system of extension in sustaining agricultural growth, combined with concerns about sustainability and pressures towards greater participation by farmers and the private sector, have stimulated major reconsideration of extension strategies in Bangladesh. New approaches have been launched in the past few years, most notably through the Agricultural Support Services Project (ASSP) supported by the World Bank. Drawing on the experiences of ASSP since its inception in 1991, a National Task Force charged with defining a new policy for extension is now completing its work. This paper endeavours to synthesise field experiences since the inception of the T&V in 1978-79 through to the initial years of ASSP, in order to contribute to current efforts by the Bangladesh government and its partners to improve the effectiveness of agricultural development programmes.

The paper first offers a conceptual framework for assessing the coherence, performance and sustain-ability of extension strategies. Subsequent sections review the changes in agricultural production and productivity in the past two decades; improvements have clearly taken place, but the evidence of the contribution of extension is mainly circumstantial. The spread of irrigation and changes in the availability of inputs appear to be the most important in explaining the expansion of rice production in particular.

The rise and fall of T&V is then examined with particular reference to the differences between the theory and the actual practice. T&V contributed to the establishment of a national system of extension based on farmer and extension agent training; regular contact between extension and research staff; and standardised messages based on recommendations from research. The T&V approach exhibited a reasonable degree of coherence and performance. Further, the theory of T&V contains elements of the current strategy, such as linkages to research, but these failed to operate as expected in many instances.

In practice, T&V was overly dependent on routinely disseminated messages and generally failed to take farmers' constraints and priorities into account. Research-extension links remained weak with inadequate identification by research and extension staff of farmers' problems; and researchers' reluctance to see those problems as a basis for research prioritis-ation. A serious deficiency of T&V was its failure to consider the importance and possible roles for the private sector, notably NGOs which were rapidly expanding in number and their involvement in rural development activities during the same period.

T&V is most frequently faulted for its lack of sustainability. The massive expansion of extension staff which was aided and abetted in no small measure by the World Bank was fully consistent with the view of state leadership in agricultural development which prevailed at that time. The demise of T&V may be traceable at least as much to the fact that this view has changed as to the shortcomings of T&V itself. The government together with donors is no longer willing or able to continue to support the extension service at current levels.

The final section of the paper examines the major features of the new extension strategy which include: (i) decentralisation (deconcentration) of authority from the centre to the districts and thanas within the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE); (ii) the use of groups rather than CFs in communications with farming communities; (iii) greater efforts to assess farmers' needs and tailor messages to their priorities for a wider range of commodities and subjects; (iv) strengthening linkages with public and private organisations concerned with research, inputs and marketing as well as extension; and (v) a sharper focus on poor and disadvantaged groups, including women. These reforms are pursued concurrently with efforts to reduce costs. The paper discusses problems and progress to date in each of these areas.

The paper concludes that although these reforms are steps in the right direction, the strategy appears to be based upon unrealistic assumptions regarding the willingness and ability of different organisations to make changes and work together. Whilst policy statements are replete with the rhetoric of cooperation between government and non-government agencies, the state's practical experience so far in either of these areas remains limited. Movement towards more cooperation remains largely donor-driven, with few examples as yet where either side has actively sought the other toward this end.

The initial expressions of the new strategy through ASSP are focused primarily upon changes in the extension activities of DAE and encompass a number of features that were part of the theory of T&V, but failed in practice. It is not clear that ASSP offers significantly better prospects for improving perform-ance in several of the key areas, including research-extension linkages. The continuing difficulties in efforts to rejuvenate the national research system seriously reduces the potential contribution from the single most important source of new technologies.

Improved performance requires a combination of appropriate levels of skill and divisions of responsib-ilities. Experience to date suggests a major gap between skill requirements and current capacities for all actors, but especially for DAE. As decision-making is centralised, district-level staff will require a much wider range of skills, both technical and interactive. Extension staff must be able to diagnose the problems and opportunities faced by farmers; develop appropriate messages; and work collaboratively with village groups and other private sector organisations.

DAE is currently emphasising deconcentration with more authority for district staff in the planning and implementation of extension programmes. However, accountability may be adversely affected in the process. While staff are enjoined to take farmers' needs into account and to involve NGOs and others in extension plans and programmes, the extent to which field staff are actually accountable to clients at the local level appears to be mainly a matter of their own choosing. Further, as the degree of diversity in district extension activities grows, the ability of the centre to monitor and understand what is happening will diminish and with it the level of effective accountability within DAE.

The sustainability of new extension approaches is especially problematic at this stage of the process. A major feature of ASSP involves the actual reduction in the costs of the public extension services, primarily through staff reductions. Efforts to achieve savings for government quickly through divestment of functions and staff reductions could prove counter-productive in relation to the objectives of the new strategy. Although expanded involvement of private sector agencies, including NGOs and private commercial firms, could reduce the scope and cost of public sector programmes eventually, the process of successfully reaching that point is likely to require additional inputs of skill and resources.

It is not clear whether the new strategy will facilitate stronger demand from rural communities and what roles groups and NGOs will play in these processes. Nor is it clear whether the system as a whole will facilitate institutional pluralism in the generation and dissemination of new technologies. Most of the initial set of activities are primarily aimed at improving the efficiency and effectiveness of government-led development programmes, rather than fundamentally altering the status quo. NGOs are regarded by some as an additional complication being thrust upon government agencies by donors. Aside from assistance with homestead gardens and certain cash crops, there is no clear vision of the roles of NGOs and private commercial firms in providing research and extension services for farmers.

Particular attention needs to be given in the early stages to gaining an understanding of the compar-ative advantages of government agencies, NGOs, commercial firms, groups and farm families; and an appreciation that their roles are likely to vary between districts, commodities and population groups. The new extension strategy is revolutionary and will require time to take root. ASSP can assist by developing and testing approaches on a limited basis. However, the transformation of government services and the development of new partnerships nationwide will require more time than is available through ASSP. A key question is whether the parties involved will have the necessary flexibility, patience, will and resources to give the new approach a reasonable chance of success.


Network Paper 62: TECHNOLOGY AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES IN A BASE ECONOMIC ORGANISATION: 'EL CEIBO' LTD FEDERATION OF AGRICULTURAL COOPERATIVES
By Anthony Bebbington, Javier Quisbert and German Trujillo

This study from Bolivia was undertaken as part of a larger study jointly carried out by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) and the International Service for National Agricultural Research (ISNAR), entitled 'Research and Farmers' Organisations: Prospects for Partnership?' The ongoing study, for which Phase I fieldwork was also conducted in Mali and Zimbabwe,1looks at the actual and potential roles that small farmer organisations can play in developing and transferring agricultural technology. The Bolivian case study differed from those in Mali and Zimbabwe in several aspects. While the other two studies focused on single, national level organisations, the Bolivia case deliberately chose a comparative approach. Rather than looking at a national farmers' union, it concentrated on regional level, federated organisations. Reflecting the nature of the organisations and the research team, the Bolivia study focused on the wider development strategies of these organisations, and their potential roles as catalysts in regional economic and social development (Bebbington et al., 1995).

The researchers recognised the distinction between political and economic organisations and the differences in the roles played by each. This paper analyses the case of an economic organisation, El Ceibo, which is a federation of thirty-six cocoa producing cooperatives in the Alto Beni region in the north of the La Paz department. It is one of the strongest and most successful economic organisations in Bolivia. It also stands as one of the most successful cases of small farmer organisation around technology generation and product transformation and marketing in the Andes. El Ceibo has been able to open new markets for its products, adapt product transformation techniques appropriate for these markets, and develop technology in support of its marketing strategy.

This paper discusses how this programme has emerged, and factors that have favoured Ceibo's success - these factors include long-term financial and technical support from external agencies, its isolated location, and a cash/export crop specialisation. The paper also discusses some of the household, regional and institutional impacts apparently deriving from the strategy. These impacts are significant - though not always as great as some commentators might suggest. In particular, it is not clear how far Ceibo's activities spill over into fostering a more broadly based regional development in the Alto Beni area.

The paper, and the larger study from which it is drawn, also indicate some of the ways in which the strategies and impacts of economically-based organisations such as El Ceibo differ from those of more traditional, representative and politically-oriented small farmer organisations. The broad pattern is that the quality and depth of the impacts of organisations such as Ceibo tend to be far greater than those in the more traditional organisations, but that conversely fewer people benefit from these positive impacts because of the higher barriers to membership entry in such organisations.


Network Paper 63: TOWARDS MORE SUSTAINABLE SOIL FERTILITY MANAGEMENT
by Toon Defoer, Salif Kanté, Thea Hilhorst and Hugo De Groote

In southern Mali, more intensive soil fertility management strategies are needed to guarantee sustainable production. However, the increasing diversity of the farming systems places high demands on research and extension. Technologies proposed as recipes for the average farmer are becoming less and less relevant. The Farming Systems Research team (ESPGRN) of the Agricultural Research Institute (IER) in Mali is developing an action-research approach to enable farmers, together with researchers, to analyse and understand farmer strategies and practices of soil fertility management and to identify technologies which both meet farmers' needs and are sustainable.

The analysis is done at the village and farm levels, using different participatory tools. First a village territory map is made to analyse the management of the natural resources in the village. Next, the diversity of soil fertility management practices between farms is investigated and its underlying causes are diagnosed. A classification of farms is made by the villagers using their own criteria for distinguishing levels of fertility management. Subsequently, the actual management practices are depicted pictorially using resource flow models, drawn by 'test' farmers, representing each of the different categories of farms. On the basis of these models, farmers and researchers discuss various possibilities for increasing the recycling of crop residues and reducing losses from their farms, and flow models are made to plan management practices for the subsequent year.

The combination of analysis and regular feedback of farmers' results, together with exposure to information on new technologies, motivates farmers to plan their own activities. If farmers so request, a field worker assists them to implement the new techniques. Village intermediaries are also being trained in mapping techniques and practical aspects of the new technologies. There are clear indications that this approach has improved soil fertility management practices. Farmers have started to recycle considerable amounts of crop residues as litter and fodder. They are also experimenting with contour farming and planting fodder crops in association with cereals.


Network Paper 64: LOCAL INSTITUTIONS AND FARMING SYSTEMS DEVELOPMENT: THOUGHTS FROM A PROJECT IN TRIBAL WESTERN INDIA
by David Mosse (with the KRIBP team)

Many rainfed farming and watershed development programmes face problems in ensuring the long-term sustainability of activities. Comparative research into this problem has pointed to the absence of adequate farmer or community participation in activity planning, implementation and management as a critical issue. This need for greater participation is increasingly addressed though the employment of participatory research and planning methods - PRA/PALM. These methods, however, are not sufficient to ensure and sustain farmer involvement. They will only contribute to sustained participation as part of a structured planning process which includes the identification and support of local institutions which can take responsibility for implementation and the long-term management of watershed resources. The difficulty is that new local institutions may themselves be among the least viable and sustainable of project interventions. This is often because participatory ideals overlook the real social costs involved in collective action.

This paper discusses the experience of the KRIBP project in evolving an approach to local institutional development in a tribal region in western India. It discusses problems and lessons learned, and suggests ways of improving performance by reducing the demand for and costs of collective action in farming systems development.


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