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Network Papers No. 60 61 62 63 64
Network Paper 60: DESIGNING SEED
SYSTEMS WITH SMALL FARMERS: PRINCIPLES DERIVED FROM BEAN RESEARCH IN THE
GREAT LAKES REGION OF AFRICA
This paper synthesises five years of field research on
the bean seed sector within the Great Lakes region of Africa (Rwanda,
Burundi and Eastern Zaire). The work, conducted jointly by farmers, three
national programmes, the International Center for Tropical Agriculture
(CIAT), NGOs, shopkeepers, prisons, nutritional centres, and others suggests
more effective ways for tailoring seed systems towards specific agro-ecological
and socio-economic environments. While some of the recommendations are
specific to the bean crop and the region, most can be applied more broadly.
The paper is divided into five main parts: observations
on the formal seed system, diagnosis of the informal channels, and reflections
in three areas - seed distribution, genetic management, and seed production
- where Great Lakes research has built on existing farmer knowledge and
farming systems to foster an improved bean seed sector. A final section
suggests a framework for choosing among the multiple strategies to strengthen
seed systems for small farmers.
Analyses show that the formal seed service, a government
parastatal, is not necessarily meeting small farmer needs. There is a
bias towards larger grain bean seed, suitable for more fertile soils (and
hence better off farmers) and key, farmer-desired varieties, are dropped
by the wayside. Nor are the channels through which the service diffuses
operating as expected: development projects, used as intermediate producers,
often show negative rates of multiplication, and farmer-to-farmer diffusion
is unexpectedly slow, especially in stress environments. Despite hidden
subsidies, the formal system reaches only one in 600 farmers.
Farmers' own systems consist of at least 11 potential bean
seed channels. About three-fifths of Great Lakes farmers obtain at least
some of their seed from their own production, with various markets being
the other, very significant source. The Burundian data give an idea of
the surprising importance of the market among these subsistence farmers:
on average each farmer purchases 5.4 kg of bean seed in the first planting
season each year and 15 kg in the second. The reliance of the poor on
market seed is qualitatively and quantitatively different from the better-
off: the richer use markets to find select genetic material, whereas the
poor seek seed to top off or fill in for woefully inadequate stocks. Many
of the Great Lake poor buy all of their seed from the market, that is,
none is saved from their own production or obtained through exchange.
Such insights turn upside down the stereotype about market-orientation:
the poorer the farmer, the larger is the proportion of his/her seed bought.
The diagnoses of informal channels helped identify principles
for distributing new varieties. Building on local channels rather than
creating new ones, can help keep down costs and assure timely delivery
of seed. As different clients use different channels (e.g. some prefer
the open markets for the variability on offer while others rely on neighbourhood
stores for their convenience and credit possibilities), a diversity of
channels should be supported. Further, having many points of distribution,
on a recurrent basis, can help farmers, particularly those who regularly
eat their full harvest, restock novel varieties.
Subsequent field trials or 'distribution experiments' in
five countries diffused 'test packets' of varieties through large open
markets and neighbourhood stores. Small quantities allow farmers to explore
a new product with limited risk and expense, but also help seed services,
with limited volume capacity, stretch access to their products. The experiments
show that farmers are willing to pay for new varieties at two times the
going market price for local seed, and merchants, particularly country
shopkeepers, find profit in handling the sales. Diffusion of new varieties
has also been tested through non-seed outlets: charitable organisations,
agricultural training schools and nutritional centres. The last locale
reached the very malnourished, who showed unusual enthusiasm for the new
varieties. In the longer-term, such sales can be easily coordinated by
development projects and NGOs.
The beauty of the small seed packet technique is at once
its simplicity and impressive potential for impact. In Rwanda, calculations
show that with a mere 5 tons of seed, 100,000 farmers can be reached,
or just under 10% of the population.
Studies of farmers' variety management also shaped researchers'
understanding of the role of new varieties in an overall programme to
improve the seed sector for small farmers. Great Lakes farmers use varietal
mixtures (of up to 30 components) and target them to different soils,
seasons, and crop associations; in Rwanda, over 550 bean varieties are
found countrywide. In terms of key principles, diversity had to be coupled
with production gains through: regionalising varieties on offer; assuring
a spectrum of choice at one point in time; allowing both local and new
cultivars to be screened; and encouraging a dynamic introduction process.
Field trials or 'participatory varietal experiments' focused
on the possible benefits of giving farmers more influence in the selection
process itself. For a five-year period, farmer experts were brought on
to station to screen various breeder controlled trials. On-farm results
demonstrated farmers' considerable ability to target cultivars from station
fields to their own home plots; they attained production increases of
up to 38%. The diversity of cultivars selected by farmers was also considerably
greater than that normally on offer: the number adopted over the first
two-year experimental period, 21, matched the total number of varieties
released by the national programme in the previous 25 years. While the
Great Lakes may be an extreme case in terms of existing bean diversity
and farmer expertise, the general principles for coupling diversity with
production gains apply more widely and are particularly relevant for broadening
diversity in areas where it is now dangerously restricted.
In terms of seed production, Great Lakes' research focused
principally on seed quality as production alternatives hinge on whether
seed produced under normal farmer management is 'inferior'. Field trials
and laboratory analyses compared the phytopathological quality, germination
and vigour of: (a) seed produced under formal versus informal settings;
and (b) seed produced by known farmer seed experts versus that of the
general rural population. Results showed no significant differences between
normal farmer-produced seed and other seed, and indeed, the quality of
all was a good deal better than commonly alleged. Action-oriented experiments
which tried to further upgrade the quality of farmer-produced seed by
'accessible' measures (such as stricter elimination of blemished seed),
proved too labour intensive to be of interest to farmers.
The Great Lakes data suggests that the advantages of seed
certification for small farmers should be subject to greater scrutiny
(does it give yield gains, over what period, and at what cost). The possibilities
for producing seed of various quality levels, so as to deliver a good
(not great) product, at affordable prices should also be explored. As
a general rule, seed produced under any scheme of external intervention
(whether formal or informal) should never have higher levels of disease
infection than the seed farmers presently use. The best way to ensure
this is to have it produced by farmers themselves, in a way as close as
possible to their normal methods and to environments routinely used.
The findings, overall, show the need for quality field
data on small farmer seed systems as the work challenges a number of the
long-held myths. We show that:
The limited effectiveness of the Training and Visit (T&V)
system of extension in sustaining agricultural growth, combined with concerns
about sustainability and pressures towards greater participation by farmers
and the private sector, have stimulated major reconsideration of extension
strategies in Bangladesh. New approaches have been launched in the past
few years, most notably through the Agricultural Support Services Project
(ASSP) supported by the World Bank. Drawing on the experiences of ASSP
since its inception in 1991, a National Task Force charged with defining
a new policy for extension is now completing its work. This paper endeavours
to synthesise field experiences since the inception of the T&V in 1978-79
through to the initial years of ASSP, in order to contribute to current
efforts by the Bangladesh government and its partners to improve the effectiveness
of agricultural development programmes.
The paper first offers a conceptual framework for assessing
the coherence, performance and sustain-ability of extension strategies.
Subsequent sections review the changes in agricultural production and
productivity in the past two decades; improvements have clearly taken
place, but the evidence of the contribution of extension is mainly circumstantial.
The spread of irrigation and changes in the availability of inputs appear
to be the most important in explaining the expansion of rice production
in particular.
The rise and fall of T&V is then examined with particular
reference to the differences between the theory and the actual practice.
T&V contributed to the establishment of a national system of extension
based on farmer and extension agent training; regular contact between
extension and research staff; and standardised messages based on recommendations
from research. The T&V approach exhibited a reasonable degree of coherence
and performance. Further, the theory of T&V contains elements of the current
strategy, such as linkages to research, but these failed to operate as
expected in many instances.
In practice, T&V was overly dependent on routinely disseminated
messages and generally failed to take farmers' constraints and priorities
into account. Research-extension links remained weak with inadequate identification
by research and extension staff of farmers' problems; and researchers'
reluctance to see those problems as a basis for research prioritis-ation.
A serious deficiency of T&V was its failure to consider the importance
and possible roles for the private sector, notably NGOs which were rapidly
expanding in number and their involvement in rural development activities
during the same period.
T&V is most frequently faulted for its lack of sustainability.
The massive expansion of extension staff which was aided and abetted in
no small measure by the World Bank was fully consistent with the view
of state leadership in agricultural development which prevailed at that
time. The demise of T&V may be traceable at least as much to the fact
that this view has changed as to the shortcomings of T&V itself. The government
together with donors is no longer willing or able to continue to support
the extension service at current levels.
The final section of the paper examines the major features
of the new extension strategy which include: (i) decentralisation (deconcentration)
of authority from the centre to the districts and thanas within the Department
of Agricultural Extension (DAE); (ii) the use of groups rather than CFs
in communications with farming communities; (iii) greater efforts to assess
farmers' needs and tailor messages to their priorities for a wider range
of commodities and subjects; (iv) strengthening linkages with public and
private organisations concerned with research, inputs and marketing as
well as extension; and (v) a sharper focus on poor and disadvantaged groups,
including women. These reforms are pursued concurrently with efforts to
reduce costs. The paper discusses problems and progress to date in each
of these areas.
The paper concludes that although these reforms are steps
in the right direction, the strategy appears to be based upon unrealistic
assumptions regarding the willingness and ability of different organisations
to make changes and work together. Whilst policy statements are replete
with the rhetoric of cooperation between government and non-government
agencies, the state's practical experience so far in either of these areas
remains limited. Movement towards more cooperation remains largely donor-driven,
with few examples as yet where either side has actively sought the other
toward this end.
The initial expressions of the new strategy through ASSP
are focused primarily upon changes in the extension activities of DAE
and encompass a number of features that were part of the theory of T&V,
but failed in practice. It is not clear that ASSP offers significantly
better prospects for improving perform-ance in several of the key areas,
including research-extension linkages. The continuing difficulties in
efforts to rejuvenate the national research system seriously reduces the
potential contribution from the single most important source of new technologies.
Improved performance requires a combination of appropriate
levels of skill and divisions of responsib-ilities. Experience to date
suggests a major gap between skill requirements and current capacities
for all actors, but especially for DAE. As decision-making is centralised,
district-level staff will require a much wider range of skills, both technical
and interactive. Extension staff must be able to diagnose the problems
and opportunities faced by farmers; develop appropriate messages; and
work collaboratively with village groups and other private sector organisations.
DAE is currently emphasising deconcentration with more
authority for district staff in the planning and implementation of extension
programmes. However, accountability may be adversely affected in the process.
While staff are enjoined to take farmers' needs into account and to involve
NGOs and others in extension plans and programmes, the extent to which
field staff are actually accountable to clients at the local level appears
to be mainly a matter of their own choosing. Further, as the degree of
diversity in district extension activities grows, the ability of the centre
to monitor and understand what is happening will diminish and with it
the level of effective accountability within DAE.
The sustainability of new extension approaches is especially
problematic at this stage of the process. A major feature of ASSP involves
the actual reduction in the costs of the public extension services, primarily
through staff reductions. Efforts to achieve savings for government quickly
through divestment of functions and staff reductions could prove counter-productive
in relation to the objectives of the new strategy. Although expanded involvement
of private sector agencies, including NGOs and private commercial firms,
could reduce the scope and cost of public sector programmes eventually,
the process of successfully reaching that point is likely to require additional
inputs of skill and resources.
It is not clear whether the new strategy will facilitate
stronger demand from rural communities and what roles groups and NGOs
will play in these processes. Nor is it clear whether the system as a
whole will facilitate institutional pluralism in the generation and dissemination
of new technologies. Most of the initial set of activities are primarily
aimed at improving the efficiency and effectiveness of government-led
development programmes, rather than fundamentally altering the status
quo. NGOs are regarded by some as an additional complication being thrust
upon government agencies by donors. Aside from assistance with homestead
gardens and certain cash crops, there is no clear vision of the roles
of NGOs and private commercial firms in providing research and extension
services for farmers.
Particular attention needs to be given in the early stages
to gaining an understanding of the compar-ative advantages of government
agencies, NGOs, commercial firms, groups and farm families; and an appreciation
that their roles are likely to vary between districts, commodities and
population groups. The new extension strategy is revolutionary and will
require time to take root. ASSP can assist by developing and testing approaches
on a limited basis. However, the transformation of government services
and the development of new partnerships nationwide will require more time
than is available through ASSP. A key question is whether the parties
involved will have the necessary flexibility, patience, will and resources
to give the new approach a reasonable chance of success.
This study from Bolivia was undertaken as part of a larger
study jointly carried out by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI)
and the International Service for National Agricultural Research (ISNAR),
entitled 'Research and Farmers' Organisations: Prospects for Partnership?'
The ongoing study, for which Phase I fieldwork was also conducted in Mali
and Zimbabwe,1looks at the actual and potential roles that small farmer
organisations can play in developing and transferring agricultural technology.
The Bolivian case study differed from those in Mali and Zimbabwe in several
aspects. While the other two studies focused on single, national level
organisations, the Bolivia case deliberately chose a comparative approach.
Rather than looking at a national farmers' union, it concentrated on regional
level, federated organisations. Reflecting the nature of the organisations
and the research team, the Bolivia study focused on the wider development
strategies of these organisations, and their potential roles as catalysts
in regional economic and social development (Bebbington et al., 1995).
The researchers recognised the distinction between political
and economic organisations and the differences in the roles played by
each. This paper analyses the case of an economic organisation, El Ceibo,
which is a federation of thirty-six cocoa producing cooperatives in the
Alto Beni region in the north of the La Paz department. It is one of the
strongest and most successful economic organisations in Bolivia. It also
stands as one of the most successful cases of small farmer organisation
around technology generation and product transformation and marketing
in the Andes. El Ceibo has been able to open new markets for its products,
adapt product transformation techniques appropriate for these markets,
and develop technology in support of its marketing strategy.
This paper discusses how this programme has emerged, and
factors that have favoured Ceibo's success - these factors include long-term
financial and technical support from external agencies, its isolated location,
and a cash/export crop specialisation. The paper also discusses some of
the household, regional and institutional impacts apparently deriving
from the strategy. These impacts are significant - though not always as
great as some commentators might suggest. In particular, it is not clear
how far Ceibo's activities spill over into fostering a more broadly based
regional development in the Alto Beni area.
The paper, and the larger study from which it is drawn,
also indicate some of the ways in which the strategies and impacts of
economically-based organisations such as El Ceibo differ from those of
more traditional, representative and politically-oriented small farmer
organisations. The broad pattern is that the quality and depth of the
impacts of organisations such as Ceibo tend to be far greater than those
in the more traditional organisations, but that conversely fewer people
benefit from these positive impacts because of the higher barriers to
membership entry in such organisations.
In southern Mali, more intensive soil fertility management
strategies are needed to guarantee sustainable production. However, the
increasing diversity of the farming systems places high demands on research
and extension. Technologies proposed as recipes for the average farmer
are becoming less and less relevant. The Farming Systems Research team
(ESPGRN) of the Agricultural Research Institute (IER) in Mali is developing
an action-research approach to enable farmers, together with researchers,
to analyse and understand farmer strategies and practices of soil fertility
management and to identify technologies which both meet farmers' needs
and are sustainable.
The analysis is done at the village and farm levels, using
different participatory tools. First a village territory map is made to
analyse the management of the natural resources in the village. Next,
the diversity of soil fertility management practices between farms is
investigated and its underlying causes are diagnosed. A classification
of farms is made by the villagers using their own criteria for distinguishing
levels of fertility management. Subsequently, the actual management practices
are depicted pictorially using resource flow models, drawn by 'test' farmers,
representing each of the different categories of farms. On the basis of
these models, farmers and researchers discuss various possibilities for
increasing the recycling of crop residues and reducing losses from their
farms, and flow models are made to plan management practices for the subsequent
year.
The combination of analysis and regular feedback of farmers'
results, together with exposure to information on new technologies, motivates
farmers to plan their own activities. If farmers so request, a field worker
assists them to implement the new techniques. Village intermediaries are
also being trained in mapping techniques and practical aspects of the
new technologies. There are clear indications that this approach has improved
soil fertility management practices. Farmers have started to recycle considerable
amounts of crop residues as litter and fodder. They are also experimenting
with contour farming and planting fodder crops in association with cereals.
Many rainfed farming and watershed development programmes
face problems in ensuring the long-term sustainability of activities.
Comparative research into this problem has pointed to the absence of adequate
farmer or community participation in activity planning, implementation
and management as a critical issue. This need for greater participation
is increasingly addressed though the employment of participatory research
and planning methods - PRA/PALM. These methods, however, are not sufficient
to ensure and sustain farmer involvement. They will only contribute to
sustained participation as part of a structured planning process which
includes the identification and support of local institutions which can
take responsibility for implementation and the long-term management of
watershed resources. The difficulty is that new local institutions may
themselves be among the least viable and sustainable of project interventions.
This is often because participatory ideals overlook the real social costs
involved in collective action.
This paper discusses the experience of the KRIBP project
in evolving an approach to local institutional development in a tribal
region in western India. It discusses problems and lessons learned, and
suggests ways of improving performance by reducing the demand for and
costs of collective action in farming systems development.
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