17/11/2004

Some clear messages are already emerging from the first round of responses to the Africa Commission’s Consultation Document:

• More aid would be welcomed, but the risks of creating dependency and undermining accountability to local people are real and need to be managed; • More could be done to support regional institutions and civil society in preventing and resolving deadly disputes; • Europe is in a strong position to help, but needs to work hard to resolve incoherent policy approaches and overcome colonial legacies.

How are aid approaches to be designed to overcome the potential risk of dependency and weakened accountability? One contributor suggested the way forward was through ‘careful targeting of local government, local institutions and a focus on pro-poor strategies to create ownership, self-sufficiency and long-term results’. Some contributors urged that systems of accountability and monitoring needed to be improved, and that corruption needed to be tackled at the highest level of the state. As one contributor put it ‘It is useless to talk of development and fight against poverty if nothing is done against corruption ¯ the fight against corruption should be fought with the same energy like that against AIDS’. Another urged that they would ‘like to see a culturally sensitive way to deal with corruption in Africa’. What systems might be put in place to counter corruption and improve accountability? Where are some good examples? Is the African Peer Review Mechanism a step in the right direction?

the fight against corruption should be fought with the same energy like that against AIDS

Regarding conflict and insecurity, contributors urged that ‘Civil society be supported to take a greater role in promoting human rights, peace-making and conflict resolution’ and that the international community do more to support regional security institutions in their efforts. One respondent was concerned that the African Union remained too state-focused in its concept of security. Another saw the problem in both political and capacity terms, pointing out the inadequacy of response to the crisis in Darfur. What more could be done to enable the AU to respond effectively to African security needs? How could a sub-state focus to security concepts be developed and implemented? And how should other regional organisations be supported in relation to security (eg. Southern African Development Community (SADC) or the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)?). Is bilateral or regional support in this area most effective?

Civil society [should] be supported to take a greater role in promoting human rights, peace-making and conflict resolution

One contributor argued that Europe is in a strong position to help, but only if member countries act jointly with each other to overcome their own institutional weaknesses and the negative aspects of some colonial legacies. A strong suggestion was that joint assessments of needs and strategic priority setting for development assistance would be beneficial, taking care to maintain the distinctiveness and autonomy of the EU’s development and administration of aid in relation to foreign policy. How could African countries work to facilitate this?

23/11/2004

Combating corruption has generated the largest response in the past few days to the Commission for Africa’s Consultation Document. Leadership is once more seen to be key. As one respondent puts it, “No initiative against corruption shall succeed unless it starts with Presidents themselves”. Several people have posted practical suggestions, including: • Using e-governance to improve accountability and public service delivery; • Increasing public sector salaries to counter the tendency for ‘coping strategies that go against public service goals’; • Focusing on adult education, and adult literacy; and • Supporting independent auditing and public annual reporting.

A further strong suggestion was ‘the need to encourage more women into top economic and political positions to curb the stubborn African male ego”.

African countries need to encourage more women into top economic and political positions to curb the stubborn African male ego

Echoing earlier contributions, one respondent also urged greater understanding of the role of culture in governance systems in Africa: “What to a Westerner is ‘corruption’ to an African is often ‘moral and family duty’”. In the meantime, the application of existing anti-corruption laws remains a key challenge, necessitating, according to one contributor, ‘a transparent, independent and responsible judiciary’. How can judicial independence be assured and protected in African countries? Can press freedom be assured and used by the people constructively to improve accountability?

A strong theme of recent discussion is the need not to encourage malign government, with some urging more aid to be channelled through
NGOs: “Countries under oppressive rule should be sanctioned not courted”. But where does this leave the people of countries out of the favour of donors? How should they be supported to help themselves?

A strong criticism emerging from recent responses is that the consultation document focuses too heavily on centralised government, and that consideration of decentralised systems of governance should receive greater focus by the Commission, including their potential for improved public service, increased responsiveness and democratic control, and contribution to land security through improved registration practices and information management. “The Commission should refocus a large part of its effort to assist African nations with their efforts to build strong local governments because they reach the most people, are closest to the people’s control, and engender democratic practice.” What is other people’s experience of local government?

The Commission should refocus a large part of its effort to assist African nations with their efforts to build strong local governments because they reach the most people, are closest to the people’s control, and engender democratic practice

Discussions of conflict and insecurity cautioned against complacency in post-conflict environments - as one discussant pointed out, many countries relapse into conflict within 5 years of a peace settlement. This highlights the need for effective post-conflict reconstruction, with several contributors expressing support for NEPAD, and its development of a strategic framework for post-conflict reconstruction. One respondent also urged serious analysis of the causes of small-scale disputes, and their relationship to larger intra-state or inter-state conflict, in order to develop better early-warning systems. The need for better analysis underpinning early warning systems was echoed by another contributor who argued that ‘the DRC conflicts (including involvement of neighbouring countries) would have been managed better if actions-reactions had been observed after the first war against Mobutu in 1997’. He suggested a ‘conflict observatory’ - what would this look like and where, institutionally, would it be housed?

A last issue of serious concern was the need to discourage gun-running and that Western countries needed to take more responsibility for the provision of small arms to Africa. ‘It has become apparent even to children that while the north sees Africans as savages who cannot rule themselves and take arms at the least provocation, it is the developed countries that in many cases sell the guns’. Do people consider an International Arms Trade Treaty, a recommendation considered in the consultation document, to be the way forward in this area?

It has become apparent even to children that while the north sees Africans as savages who cannot rule themselves and take arms at the least provocation, it is the developed countries that in many cases sell the guns

24/11/2004

The first contributor to the Social Protection and Vulnerability thread of the discussion has raised some challenging issues, including strong encouragement for the Commission to focus on climate change in its consideration of security in Africa. Based on academic analysis “Climate change is likely to contribute to instability in vulnerable societies, increasing the likelihood of violent conflict”. Risks include water shortages (which contributed to violence and tensions between Mauritania and Senegal in 1989, for instance), increased salinity in coastal agricultural areas, declining tourism income due to land degradation, and consequential decreases in health, livelihoods and the viability of social structures. What role should the Commission play in promoting attention to climate change?

Climate change is likely to contribute to instability in vulnerable societies, increasing the likelihood of violent conflict

“Tribal issues” have been raised as “possibly insurmountable” obstacles to peace ¯ but surely the strengths of tribal associations can be used to promote peace as well as conflict?

Kicking off discussion on culture and the arts, one contributor suggests that those who participate in culture, sports and the arts are often adept at working together to communicate and solve problems creatively ¯ essential qualities for conflict resolution. She recommends that cultural policies engage positively with conflict resolution and peace building, citing the Botswana National Cultural Policy as a good example. Are there further practical suggestions about the way in which culture and the arts can be supported to work for peace and good governance in Africa?

Supporting an enhanced public role for women in governance and conflict resolution, recent suggestions caution against paying lip-service to women’s participation in conflict resolution while subsequently disempowering them again when the formal peace talks begin. Suggestions have also been made to focus on youth participation in conflict resolution strategies.

Further support for independent auditing to deter and prevent corruption has been expressed, and that “the safety of whoever carries out the task should be of utmost importance”. Also supporting previous suggestions was one person’s argument that ‘corruption through greed’ was different to ‘actions taken to provide for family and community, which can sometimes be perceived as corruption’, and should be dealt with differently. Do others agree? One suggestion thus far has been to remove the determination of corruption cases from courts susceptible themselves to corruption. A radical suggestion, with the possibility of significantly undermining already weak institutions in many areas – but perhaps it is the way to go? What legitimate processes or structures could substitute for courts in these cases?

the safety of whoever carries out [independent auditing to deter and prevent corruption] should be of utmost importance

Paying police a reasonable salary would decrease corruption and increase security, according to one contributor. Lowly paid security forces and military forces are a common theme in many conflicts and unstable environments. Should the Commission be considering further support to security sector reform in Africa, and how should this be implemented?

Finally, a strong cry is emerging from several contributors for the Commission to generate real commitment to improving equity for Africa in the implementation of donor policies. “Africans suffer in part because we in the West excel at optimising financial return and concentrating wealth at the expense of widespread human and environmental well-being. We suspend values regarding the rights to life, nourishment, security and well being for all…anticipating the trickle-down will cover up the gross inequities we help to create.” Support for simplified, clear and meaningful reporting of development outcomes would also, according to one contributor, reduce further risks of corruption and misused funds. What kinds of policy recommendations should flow from these suggestions?

29/11/2004

Discussions over the past couple of days have ranged from issues of regional governance, to African countries’ engagement with the international system, to developing grass-roots networks for peace, and supporting diaspora groups’ involvement in Africa’s development.

One contributor argued strongly that it was only by giving Africa an effective voice in international institutions (e.g. by granting a veto on the Security Council, or increased weighted voting in the WTO) that the international community could really support Africa to solve its problems. An immediate question, then, would be, given most international governance mechanisms are constituted by individual states, how should ‘Africa’ be represented in these forums?

One contributor was critical of the Africa Commission’s suggestion that the international community support NEPAD and the Africa Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a key concern centring on inadequate participation of NGOs in each process. Both processes were seen to “reflect and protect the interests of ‘African Leaders’ [allowing them to] escape being accountable to their own people”. In addition, a critical weakness of the APRM was seen to be that it focuses on “administrative aspects of governance only, and does not extend beyond to the more challenging issues of democracy and corruption”. This appears inconsistent, however, with the central tenets of NEPAD’s priorities (which promote democratisation of institutions of governance to facilitate sustainable development). And peer review or similar mechanisms have proved powerful tools in encouraging conformity to international standards elsewhere (e.g. DAC Peer Review processes, joint country assessments etc). Should not the APRM be seen as a step forward amongst the many necessary for Africa’s development? What do others think?

[NEPAD and the African Peer Review Mechanism] reflect and protect the interests of ‘African Leaders’ [allowing them to] escape being accountable to their own people

Discussions of combating corruption have once more urged support for independent, free and fair judiciaries, press, and elections. Another suggestion was to build NGOs capacity to monitor and report on corruption. Developing earlier threads, another contributor urged that a more nuanced understanding of corruption would help engage with the challenges of eradicating it. He argued, for instance, that in Nigeria the vernacular term for ‘corruption’ also means ‘reciprocity’. How could such distinctions help design strategies to reduce the debilitating aspects of corruption?

Another vote of confidence in e-governance was made to facilitate better public information. In addition, tax reform to simplify processes and increase independent auditing powers was suggested - including providing strong incentives for auditors to expose fraud.

One contributor asked whether it would be better to tackle corruption from the top down or the bottom up - ‘Corruption has become endemic - governments come to power with a view to acquiring as much wealth as they can before the next one comes into place - it will probably take a century, a complete change in culture and orientation and above all a complete reduction in poverty for corruption to be reduced’. Emerging from current and earlier contributions is the view that corruption must be addressed at the leadership level first - some suggestions include establishing independent, powerful, commissions of inquiry, with the ability to investigate Presidents, as well as shorter terms, and disallowing multiple sequential terms. In addition, further support has been expressed for stronger local government, to redress imbalances between strong central governments and individual and minority rights.

it will probably take a century, a complete change in culture and orientation and above all a complete reduction in poverty for corruption to be reduced

To support peace and security, indigenous networks involved in peace building were to be encouraged - such as the Coalition for Peace in Africa and West African Network for Peace. Useful support could be provided to groups working on similar issues (e.g. conflict mediation and resolution between pastoralists and farmers) regionally and nationally to promote complementarity and strong networks over the next decade. Moreover, more should be spent on social services rather than defence, according to one respondent.

Not all supported the Commission’s suggestion of South-South networks however. As one argued in relation to the role of education in building effective states, ‘the resurgence of higher education in Africa is best helped by North-South rather than South-South networks’. Related to this, the involvement of diaspora groups in the development of African countries was important, with one contributor urging the international community to “consult with and support NGOs established by diaspora groups, appointing them as administrators of funding allocated to development projects, facilitating their work in their home countries”. Would this not again undermine local accountability mechanisms, however?

[the international community should] consult with and support NGOs established by diaspora groups, appointing them as administrators of funding allocated to development projects, facilitating their work in their home countries

2/12/2004

Discussions over the past few days have reiterated support for formal engagement of non-state actors in developing and monitoring development policies - both by donors and African governments. A prolific contributor to all discussion threads has suggested that the Commission for Africa supports EC policy on the participation of non-state actors in development dialogues and consultations as the standard to which the international community should adhere. He also suggests non-state actors should be turned to more frequently for conflict resolution and mediation, rather than jumping to military responses. This should include effective engagement of diaspora groups in the analysis of crises and the design of responses. But as he acknowledges, there are strict limits to what non-state actors can achieve in conflict resolution, which requires a much broader range of actors. The challenge is to find the right combination of political influences to secure peace and security.

There was a healthy debate over the root causes of conflict in Africa, with some arguing that conflict was due to poverty and control of resources (including food and water), some to ethnicity (which was not a view popularly held), and others arguing that poverty and starvation resulted from conflict. None of these arguments seem mutually exclusive however - some were speaking of cause, some of effect. They do highlight, however, the necessity of good political and economic analysis of the causes of conflict, and the interests of various warring parties, to design strategies to promote conflict resolution. The Africa Commission focuses on developing NEPAD and AU capabilities in such areas - but since much of the discussion has centred on the role of non-state actors, should the Commission focus more on these organisations in its recommendations regarding the promotion of peace and security? If so, how should it respond to criticisms from some contributors that NGOs are overly circumscribed by the state (i.e. in effect, not independent)?

A strong contribution was made urging deeper debate to develop appropriate social protection mechanisms in Africa. It was noted that thirty years ago, many African countries had social security systems in the form of universal free health care. No longer the case, however, more thought now needs to be put into ways to develop workable health insurance and other social security schemes. It was suggested that African countries could learn from Asian countries response to the Asian Financial Crisis, which developed rapidly the social security systems that had been embryonic prior to the crisis. As one contributor pointed out ‘the common goal of the revival of social security systems is to help not only those who are the least fortunate but also those who are a little better off but close to poverty.’ In particular, it was argued, that accessible health care would have flow on benefits to increased labour and productivity. For instance, free health care would negate the desperate need often noted for people to spend micro-credit loans on essential medicines, freeing these instead for the productive investment for which they were designed.

the common goal of the revival of social security systems is to help not only those who are the least fortunate but also those who are a little better off but close to poverty

On the subject of participation and building effective states, a debate was had over the usefulness and role of Poverty Reduction and Strategy (PRS) processes. One contributor suggested that ‘Our governments should stop doing things to please donors. For instance they know the PRSs are not going to work in the interest of the poor because of the conditionalities embedded in them.’ A couple of respondents argued, however, that, while there were certainly tensions in the PRSP processes, it was important ‘not to throw the baby out with the bathwater!’ There isn’t a simple answer to building effective states that are accountable to the needs of their populations’. The PRS process had created space for participation by a range of actors that was not there before, and, while it could perhaps be used better, was a strong step towards effective participation. In addition, donors were making some progress around aligning their development funding with national priorities, which indicated a certain lessening of conditional aid. Donors were also working towards making sure their systems were matched to minimise both administrative burdens on developing countries.

There isn’t a simple answer to building effective states that are accountable to the needs of their populations