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E-discussions: Human Vulnerability

View summary of discussion Full text of Human Vulnerability theme paper (349kb)
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View questions for discussion (19kb)

 
Moderator: Frank Ellis (UEA) Thursday 12th June to Saturday 21st June

The vulnerability theme is concerned with the factors that help to explain why the populations of southern African countries turned out to be so prone to an acute fall in access to food, even though the immediate trigger events of the crisis were not as severe or prolonged as is usually the case in famines. Vulnerability is defined as exposure and sensitivity to shocks, a definition that is 'unpacked' in detail in the theme paper. People can become more vulnerable either due to rising risks or due to less ability to manage risk or due to deterioration in their coping capabilities, or, indeed, a combination of all of these adverse circumstances. At the level of family or household, asset levels are the main determinant of declining capability to manage risk and to cope with shocks.

The paper makes a distinction between vulnerable groups and vulnerable populations. Vulnerable groups usually have specific factors implicated in their vulnerability (e.g. elderly, disabled, ill, widowed, divorced, female headed households), while vulnerable populations require a broader explanatory canvas. A distinction is also made between chronic vulnerability (those who are persistently vulnerable to food crisis) and transitory vulnerable (those who are seasonally, or in other ways intermittently vulnerable).

Factors causing rising vulnerability in southern African countries are explored, under four main headings:

  • growth failures, rising poverty and declining migration options
  • market failures in the context of market liberalisation
  • the high incidence and continuing spread of HIV/AIDS
  • politics and governance factors, at regional, national and local levels

While special attention is given to the third of these, due to the proposition that this was a 'New Variant Famine' caused by the erosive impact of HIV/AIDS on people's livelihoods (de Waal, 2003), it is concluded that all these strands (and sub-strands within them) are relevant for explaining rising vulnerability in the region. It would be a mistake to privilege one reason especially above the others, although clearly HIV/AIDS merits substantive policy attention in terms of efforts to slow down its spread and social support to those whose livelihoods are devastated by the disease.

The emerging over-arching policy framework comprising PRSPs and decentralisation are considered from the viewpoint of their likely impact in tackling these causative factors in rising vulnerability. The view is put forward that this framework may prove rather disappointing, mainly because it fails to tackle the second and fourth of the categories of reasons given above. PRSPs seem to be mainly oriented to shifting large volume donor funds into education, infrastructure and health (the latter may, however, bring benefits to the HIV/AIDS strand). They also incorporate budgetary provisions for social support. Enabling environments that would 'create the conditions whereby the poor can reduce their own poverty' are weakly specified, or neglected entirely, in PRSPs. In relation to decentralised local government, these are an act of faith, predicated on a narrative about electorates being able to hold elected local representatives to account in the raising of revenues and the delivery of services. Evidence from countries that are further down the decentralisation road than the southern African countries suggest that this narrative may be flawed.

Key questions for discussion arising from the paper include:

  • how do you reverse declining per capita income in those southern African countries featuring negative trends?; without some level of forward momentum in national economies, vulnerability will continue to grow
  • what role for reviving, in new forms, interventionist agricultural policies e.g. starter pack type schemes?; how to achieve this without reverting to discredited past state policies?
  • what are the essential elements of an improved enabling environment that could actively encourage, rather than hamper and discourage, energy, vitality and diversity in constructing livelihoods?
  • what policy processes could prioritise the latter in terms of the politics of decision making?; does democratic decentralisation represent an opportunity or a threat for achieving enabling environments at local levels?
  • do community vulnerability assessments (CVAs) and vulnerability assessment mapping (VAM) have a broader role to play in informing development policy priorities, than the already mainly successful role they play in anticipating food gaps when a crisis is unfolding?
  • should, as some external observers have suggested, agricultural growth be privileged above other objectives in setting sectoral priorities?; alternatively, is the main way forward to stimulate economic activity wherever this may arise? (connects to enabling environment points above)

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This project is funded by the UK Department for International Development and implemented by a consortium of institutions in Southern Africa and the UK.