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E-discussions:
Policy Options for Food Security in Southern Africa
Summary
In June-July 2003 the Forum hosted e-discussions
open to all international and regional stakeholders on a range
of topics representing key policy choices for rural growth
and poverty alleviation in Southern Africa. The six thematic
issues in the e-conference are listed below; each was resourced
by a Theme Paper or
e-discussion paper. Click on the links for summaries of the
main points raised under each theme.
Policies,
Politics, Governance and Accountability
Click here for further details on the
Policies, Politics Governance and Accountability theme
discussion, to view the theme papers, questions and messages
posted.
- Implementation: Contributions commented that poor
implementation, rather than poor policies, have contributed
to the present food security crisis. Reasons for poor implementation
include: Financial infeasibility (partly because greater
priority given to other investments); Lack of donor support,
due to conditionality and dislike of African solutions;
Interference by powerful minority (e.g. millers); and lack
of co-ordination between different stakeholders. The establishment
of national food security agencies could overcome the latter
problem.
- Policies tend to have a short-term focus. This
is expressed in political pressure for continuing emergency
handouts and appears to be supported by many primary stakeholders.
- Donors have a big impact on food security policy
at both macro level (where trade liberalisation has been
prioritised over food security) and micro level (for example
insisting on specifics of Starter Pack operations in Malawi)
and yet they seem to have lost interest in food security
in Southern Africa. Some reasons for may be that donors
don't like African solutions (e.g. Starter Pack) and that
donors exacerbate some of the policy-making problems (e.g.
brain drain from government service). It may be in donors'
interests that food security problems continue to be treated
as emergencies.
- Five major causes of bad policy (both design and
implementation aspects): i) neo-patrimonialism; ii) lack
of analytical capacity and experience in government, exacerbated
by HIV/AIDS (e.g. over-emphasis on food production, failure
to recognise importance of general rural development, diverse
livelihood options); iii) Lack of intra and inter-agency
coordination; iv) Budgetary implications inadequately taken
into account at formulation stage and v) Failure to address
necessary institutional transformation and policy sequencing.
- Land tenure arrangements have, in various countries,
had a negative impact on food security.
- Adequate accountability requires debate on what
impacts different actors will/should be held accountable
for (government, donors, etc). Governments can define food
security policy narrowly (with negative long term impacts
such as handing out food) because they are not being held
accountable for longer term impacts. Certain long-term interventions,
such as different forms of cash transfers are more or less
vulnerable to corruption.
- Food security policy is less visible and rewarding compared
to new public buildings, land reform, price control, etc.
Where food security policy is accorded some priority, there
are few incentives for governments and donors to
implement food security policies and programmes that build
secure access to food for the urban and rural poor. Instead
the focus remains on food availability - political weight
is attached to food self-sufficiency in SADC region.
- The maize economy is a major channel for patronage
by politicians therefore is difficult to operate in economically
rational/optimal way. Governments interfere at both production
and consumption end of supply chain.
- There is a need to i) recognise political realities of
government - donor relationships: governments make
judgements about what activities donors will pick up the
tab for (e.g. food aid whether due to drought or land reform,
development investments in remote areas) and accordingly
give these low priority compared to ensuring their own political
power base; ii) Analyse how donors fit into domestic
political economy. One conclusion is that development efforts
must focus much more seriously in building the political
power base of the poor vulnerable food insecure majority
in rural and urban areas; iii) recognise "new institutional
landscape" in rural areas following retreat of
state: different formal and informal institutions broker
household's production and social transactions. Local elites
are influential' iv) identify the hierarchical constellation
of stakeholders on the basis of financial means and
political clout. At the top of the hierarchy are donors
and international NGOs, then the domestic agribusiness lobby
(who want cheap food in order to maintain low wages, and
who can capture big rents on large imports of food). The
unsophisticated urban and rural poor come last.
- Unsophisticated urban and rural voters often elect political
parties on the basis of historical allegiances and current
appearances rather than tangible outcomes. This reinforces
user-abuser relationship between ruling parties and poor
urban and rural voters. Views about what can be done to
end the political marginalisation of the majority of the
rural poor include making sure the poor are both properly
informed and gain political influence.
Top
Options for Market-based
Development
Click here for further details on the
Options for Market-based Development
theme discussion, to view the theme papers, questions and
messages posted.
- Smallholder agriculture dominated the discussion. All
agreed that smallholder farming had to be developed in Southern
Africa, but there were queries about the extent to which
it was possible to do this. In the case of Malawi, the many
obstacles to developing smallholder farming small farm sizes,
depleted soils, dependence on the rains, lack of access
to credit and inputs, difficult access to markets, low technology,
impacts of HIV/AIDS, etc. were stressed. In Zimbabwe, notable
progress in smallholder farming during the 1980s had only
been possible thanks to extensive state intervention and
subsidisation that proved unsustainable. In such a case,
it was argued, smallholder development should not be the
priority activity so much as part of a range of initiatives
across all productive sectors. Indeed, a desirable future
Zimbabwean agriculture may be one of medium-size farms at
high productivity, with low unit costs.
Suggestions on how to stimulate smallholder farming included:
- Technology. The technology exists to allow more staple
crops, including maize and legumes, to be grown. There
has, however, been a problem with donors changing their
priorities in agriculture in accordance with the latest
fashions, rather than building local capacity for a
coherent and sustained strategy for technology development
and dissemination. But for the technology developed
to be applied at least two other factors have to be
in place, as follows;
- Input supply. In Malawi few small farmers have access
to credit and input supply is deficient. The local response
to this was the idea of starter packs of hybrid maize
seed and fertiliser, distributed generally to all small
farmers, a way to promote techniques and then to allow
a commercial inputs market to emerge. But, it was claimed,
the donors had changed the packs to become a safety
net programme, with targeted distribution that excluded
the not-quite-so-poor smallholders. Consequently they
had shifted from growing hybrid to composite varieties
of maize, with lesser fertiliser response;
- Markets. As one contributor put it, '[agricultural
development] derives not from technologies chasing crops,
but from crops chasing markets.' Reducing the problems
and costs of getting produce to market is critical both
to giving farmers incentives to market surpluses and
in supplying urban consumers and industries with food
and raw materials at low costs. In this respect, building
roads and keeping them repaired was crucial. The Integrated
Rural Development Programmes of Malawi in the 1970s
and early 1980s had been successful in this; and;
- Interest rates. In Zambia interest rates have been
running at at rates of 40% a year or more over the last
twelve years. Similar rates have applied in Malawi.
At these rates, farmers cannot afford to invest with
borrowed funds. Rates are pushed up by government borrowing
on the domestic market to cover the deficit between
public spending and revenues;
- In addition, contributors noted the problems that can
arise from subsidised agricultural production in the OECD
countries that puts downward pressure on international markets.
Similarly there was the danger of food aid being sold off
at the wrong time onto local markets and depressing prices.
- In the low potential areas, it was noted that for Zimbabwe
there was little prospect of farming being the leading sector.
Migration and remittances, wildlife ranching, operating
tourist safaris are more promising. Such areas are likely
to be net importers of staple foods.
- On the rural non-farm economy, the lack of opportunity
to develop this was noted. Low local demand for the goods
and services of the non-farm economy was a problem in Malawi,
as were high interest rates that discouraged investment.
Indeed, for Malawi, only three non-farm activities provided
living wages in the rural economy: trading maize, brewing,
and running market stalls. For all of these some capital
was needed and entrants needed to have some knowledge of
markets. In sum, no one could see the non-farm sector driving
the rural economy.
- On storage of grains and stabilising supplies and prices
in markets, it was noted that national strategic grain reserves
tended to store amounts in line with production. When national
production was consistently below national consumption it
was difficult to stock the reserves. The idea that the reserves
should be no larger than that needed to cover for the arrival
of imports, assumes that governments would have access to
foreign exchange to bring in food as and when needed. That
may not hold, given both economic and political circumstances.
- For the operation of grain reserves, having good information
on crop production and market conditions is crucial. Grain
reserves at village level, with grain bought up after and
harvest and later sold off, may effectively act as a form
of micro-finance. There may be scope for funding such reserves
as a way to reduce short-term interest rates in villages.
- Finally, a general theme that emerged was that of allowing
locally-owned ideas to develop. One example cited was that
of the Kenyan farm input programme, designed to develop
the commercial input provision through (very) small-scale
sales.
Top
Human Vulnerability
Click here for further details on the Human
Vulnerability theme discussion, to view the theme papers,
questions and messages posted.
- Market failures in the input supply system are a key source
of vulnerability.
- There is a need to distinguish more clearly between
vulnerability and risk. For example, i.e. food access
is not a risk in itself but can be put at risk by other
factors.
- The relationships between demographic changes and vulnerability
should be analysed and better understood, especially
in the context of HIV/AIDS. The relative impacts of HIV/AIDS
on mortality and morbidity are different in different countries
depending on infection rates and cumulative deaths.
- There is broad agreement that urban poverty and vulnerability
are not receiving enough attention, especially in the context
of assessments. Some evidence was presented about how assessment
methodologies might be adapted to deal with urban contexts,
for example, using household expenditure rather than using
wealth groups (since wealth groups are more difficult to
define in urban areas given heterogeneity of activities
and sources of income).
- Other measurement and assessment issues included
understanding better the contributions of casual wage labour
to household income and how changing real rates for (migrant,
on- and off-farm) labour have corresponded to fluctuating
maize prices. Could these be incorporated into national
VACs?
- Assessments also need to understand the seasonal nature
of vulnerability, especially given the observation that
most households are net consumers of staples and require
sources of income outside food production to buy food in
the off season. Contributors also raised the question of
how to promote small-scale rural industry for dry season
labour.
- Assessments such as VAC focus on the household and there
has been less exploration of the larger causes of vulnerability
at national and regional level.
- Lack or quality of information? Are we lost in
a 'fog of crisis assessment'. Many reflections on the need
to adopt longer term views, both in VACs and other
assessments but also on the part of researchers.
- No agreement on whether rising farm output alone or a
combination of this and urban / non-farm economic growth
will drive rising farm productivity. Some argued that we
need to explore rural-urban linkages affect vulnerability
and the ways in which 'economic interests also straddle
this spatial divide' (Bush). Others emphasised on more technical
solutions, for example, the potential for cropping systems
that are more tolerant of soil impoverishment, more efficient
input supply markets (Fisher).
- There is a need to take on board criticism of view that
it is those dependent on agriculture, especially subsistence
agriculture, that are most vulnerable. (This has implications
for social protection targeting).
Top
Social Protection
Click here for further details on the Social
Protection theme discussion, to view the theme papers,
questions and messages posted.
- The distinction between insurances and assistance
- this is not always clear-cut.
- There is a need to think about how seasonality, demographics
and geography influence social protection options and
targeting.
- There is also a need to differentiate between social
protection policies and policies that have social
protection elements.
- There is a danger that PRSPs are nothing more than
mountains of paper. There is a need to overcome the disparity
between PRSPs and what is practical and possible on the
ground. Links between poverty reduction strategies are important
but these tend to focus on rural and not urban poverty.
Exploration of how some of the social protection issues
vary between rural and urban contexts, and how much the
benefits of social protection are passed along rural-urban
linkages or aggravate inequalities between the two.
- In many of the countries that the Forum is focusing on
there are many people who need social protection but those
countries have only limited resources. Need a long term
strategy - but is there political will amongst the
international community?
- Scope for regional redistribution - (see regional
summary)?
- Significance of malnutrition as a major factor in dealing
with HIV/AIDS - people with HIV/AIDS have different
nutritional requirements, especially if they are on medication.
- Problem of how to reach those under the net - especially
the ultra poor and work-constrained.
- Need to focus not on individuals but on community and
household coping mechanisms but be aware that informal,
community- or kin-based mechanisms for protection are under
severe strain, particularly amongst these groups.
- 'The perception of vulnerable people as a 'burden' and
a 'zero-value investment' is evident in policy debates (Chibambo).
Safety nets should be productivity enhancing and
seek to restore self-sufficiency and sustainability.
- It could be useful to explore different cash transfers
and see which are more or less prone to corruption
(drawing on Farrington et al), where targeting and automaticity
can be simplified and which types of delivery systems work.
- Gender dynamics (for example in the context of
returning male migrants) and options for targeting. Access
to land?
- Social protection and economic growth? Are these
contradictory strategies? Can economic growth occur with
asset building social protection strategies?
Top
Regional Food Security
Issues
Click here for further details on the
Regional Food Security Issues
theme discussion, to view the theme papers, questions and
messages posted.
- Regional trade options that might contribute to
reduced food security and vulnerability could include the
use of regional strategic grain reserves and futures markets.
However, there are various barriers to the use of regional
trade to reduce food insecurity:
- National-level politicians have little exposure
to the regional grain trade and may be wary of relying on
produce from their neighbours.
- Strategic grain reserves can be political tools
- i.e. 'food security means having a large stack of maize
that can be seen by all, and distributed to a crisis point
at the drop of a hat, or at the hint of an election. Food
in this environment is power'. Politicians like to have
instruments to use, and to be seen to be doing something
when events arise.
- Our understanding of the potential for regional trade
should depend on more practical and less theoretical
economics: The debate about liberalisation needs to
be grounded in a practical discussion rather than theoretical
debates about freer trade. This applies both to export crops
destined for the developed world, and for trade between
countries in the region. We need to know in more detail
the precise impacts of trade liberalisation on different
social groups.
- We face the problem that the market does not 'flow' into
areas with inhospitable marketing conditions after liberalisation
- market development in the region remains uneven and there
is a disproportionate impact of liberalisation on the poor
- within and between countries in the region. This raises
a question of what scope there is for regional redistribution.
- Assessing vulnerability across the region is also
a sticky issue. Baseline information is important, as is
multi-sectoral and multi-disciplinary research, data collection
and analysis. A range of methodological approaches for assessing
vulnerability is required that provide a balance between
context-specific and context-appropriate methods and allow
comparisons to be made across the region.
Top
Uptake Pathways into
Food Security Policy
Click here for further details on the
Uptake Pathways into Food
Security Policy theme discussion, to view the theme papers,
questions and messages posted.
The purpose of the uptake pathways e-discussion
was to identify mechanisms to promote the uptake into policy
and practice of the conclusions of the FFSSA project. The
key points of the discussion were:
- Improving food security is a political problem
- how to unite politically desirable and economically desirable
outcomes, in a political context where many southern politicians
are driven by neo-patrimonialism, and donors and development
agencies by imperatives to distribute food and/or respond
to crises and focus on production issues rather than pursue
long-term political objectives.
- There is a need for new institutions and strengthened
media to improve accountability and provide the necessary
checks and balances in new policy implementation.
- There is a need to build consensus among government
policy makers, researchers, NGOs, and donors about the root
cause of the problem.
- FFSSA follow up should focus on communicating existing
knowledge using familiar concepts and narratives rather
then undertaking new research and introducing new concepts
and narratives.
- Follow-up work should include:
- further networking with researchers, policy
makers and practitioners.
- country-level consultations to engage with
government, practitioners and civil society to identify
specific policy recommendations;
- regional consultations to identify and plan
appropriate regional activities;
- campaigns to influence key politicians, and
key agencies (eg WFP) of the value of the new approaches.
- multi-sectoral approaches to their implementation,
and
- the development of effective M&E systems
to monitor progress.
Click here
for further general background information on the e-conference.
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