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Various theoretical approaches have attempted to provide answers to the questions of how policy is made and to what extent research and evidence is incorporated into the policy process. The traditional question on this topic was based on the model of a linear and rational progression, and could be phrased: ‘How can research be transported from the research to the policy sphere?’ Now, however, the shortcomings of the linear model are widely recognised, and the question that is asked instead concerns research uptake pathways: ‘Why are some of the ideas that circulate in the research/policy networks picked up and acted on, while others are ignored and disappear?’ Or, to phrase it from the perspective of those engaged in research: ‘How can we market our ideas so that they are noticed? What do we have to do to influence policy in a pro-poor and evidence-based direction?’

Based on a review of the literature, and preliminary and detailed case studies, ODI has identified over 30 theoretical models which help to answer these questions. They are summarised below. The first four are cross-cutting models or frameworks, while the remainder are loosely grouped into three categories guided by ODI’s three-dimensional framework: context, evidence and links.

General Models (Index of Models)
The linear model, already discredited, has been replaced by more complex models including the percolation model in which research exerts a powerful indirect influence on policy by shaping the discourse, and the tipping point model where a number of small factors combine to start a social epidemic. The context, evidence and links model, developed by ODI provides a general framework within which to interpret the other models.

Context (Index of Models)
Policy makers are enormously influenced by simple stories, and the prevalent policy narratives are extremely difficult to break with research findings. The systems model, which grew out of studies of national systems of innovation and external forces, describes a complex process in which policy making is situated within a wider institutional, political and historic context. Policy makers may have limited room for manoeuvre to change of develop new policies despite convincing evidence, and street level bureaucrats have great power over how policy is implemented on the ground. Policies often evolve through constant revision and refinement, leading to the view that policy is, in fact, a form of social experiment. Although critical moments in the policy process, may provide policy windows for more substantial change, or multiple factors may contribute to a tipping point leading to fundamental change. The crisis model notes that paradigm shifts only happen when there is a crisis, although the routine and incremental decisions that are made as organisations simply muddle through can contribute to significant change over time.

Evidence (Index of Models)
Some ideas seem to be so widely accepted that they form a ‘framework for possible thought’, outside which new ideas are instantly dismissed. Attempts to explain this have identified various sets of credibility variables which relate new ideas to the previous knowledge and values of individuals. The source of the information is often more important than its content, a good reputation enhances credibility and an the capacity of an individual to influence change can be explained by their sources of power. Linear models of communication (like linear models of policy processes) are now widely discredited and replaced by interactive models. Communication suggests that surprising and simple stories can be very effective, and marketing theory that providing solutions, packaging, and encouraging policy makers to respond to ideas can increase policy impact dramatically. Although improvements in information technology undoubtedly contribute to information sharing, there is little evidence that it increases impact unless it is translated into the cultural context within which it is to be used.

Links (Index of Models)
Networks between and among researchers and policy makers are clearly extremely important. Epistemic communities tend to be insider-networks where members collaborate on specific policy issues, whereas policy communities include a wider range of individuals and organisations who share a common interest in the same policy area. Advocacy coalitions or communities of practice include a wide range of actors who work together to lobby key figures. While some form of negotiation through official networks is now a frequent part of any policy process, other discussions through shadow networks may be more influential. Chains of accountability between researchers and the communities and populations with a direct stake in the research and subsequent policy changes are important to strengthen legitimacy and accountability. Strategies to promote dialogue between communities and external agents are vital for sustainable social change, and campaigns modelled on pyramids, wheels or webs have been shown to be very effective.

 
Last Updated: 13 January, 2009
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